April 2010

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According to this story from today’s WSJ, former Paulson & Co. executive Paolo Pellegrini informed ACA Management LLC that Paulson intended to short the ABACUS 2007 AC1 synthetic CDO. Pellegrini apparently told the SEC all about it before the Commission filed civil fraud charges against Goldman Sachs and Fabrice Tourre.

If Pellegrini tipped off ACA, what does it mean? For one thing, it helps to explain why Paulson & Co. wasn’t added to the  SEC’s suit based on aider and abettor liability. For another, it will substantially weaken the SEC’s case. If key players at ACA knew that Paulson was going short, it will be virtually impossible for the Government to show that ACA was misled. Even if Goldman misled and intended to mislead ACA as to Paulson’s role, such activity would have been rendered immaterial once ACA in fact learned of Paulson’s role.

Although the Pellegrini revelation, if substantiated, may not theoretically affect the part of the SEC’s suit related to the alleged misleading of investors, ACA’s knowledge of Paulson’s role, along with its participation in the deal, will undoubtedly change the atmospherics of the case.

Enlightening commentary here from WSJ’s Holman Jenkins Jr., here and here from Macroeconomic Resilience, and here from Erik Gerding in TheConglomerate.org.

     Today’s Wall Street Journal editorial makes the point, noted here two days ago, that the timing of the SEC’s suit against Goldman Sachs pushed the SEC OIG’s Report of Investigation on Allen Stanford to the back pages of the financial news. The WSJ also echoed our concern that it is very difficult to find the IG’s Report on the SEC website. Too bad. Nobody can rightfully blame Mary Schapiro for something that did not happen on her watch. Instead of just touting the SEC’s new procedures that will supposedly stop mega-fraudsters more readily in the future, Schapiro should have provided easy access to the OIG’s work. This is what open government, rather than spin, is all about.

     The Report details the abysmal failure of the SEC’s Fort Worth District Office Enforcement Branch to publicize and stop Stanford Group Company’s Ponzi Scheme, despite numerous warnings from the same Office’s Examination Branch. The Journal rightfully notes that the SEC’s failure was even greater here than in the Madoff case, because here the warnings were consistent, forceful and coming from within the Commission’s own ranks.

     Reading the the pitiful regulatory record contained in the OIG Report reminds me of my days investigating and prosecuting Savings & Loan Fraud in the early 1990s for the U.S. Attorney’s Office in the Western District of Texas. We were consistently faced with historical fraud that was identified by conscientious bank examiners and ignored or downplayed by their regulatory superiors.

     From the Executive Summary of the SEC Inspector General’s Report of Investigation on the Allen Stanford debacle:

     Finally, the OIG investigation revealed that the former head of Enforcement in Fort Worth, who played a significant role in numerous decisions by the Fort Worth office to deny investigations of Stanford, sought to represent Stanford on three separate occasions after he left the SEC, and represented Stanford briefly in 2006 before he was informed by the SEC Ethics Office that it was improper to do so.

     This former head of Enforcement in Fort Worth was responsible for: (1) in 1998, deciding to close a MUI opened regarding Stanford after the 1997 broker-dealer examination; (2) in 2002, deciding to forward the [redacted] complaint letter to the TSSB and deciding not respond to the [redacted] complaint or investigate the issues it raised; (3) in 2002, deciding not to act on the Examination staff’s referral of Stanford for investigation after its investment adviser examination; (4) in 2003, participation in a decision not to investigate Stanford after receiving [Confidential Source]’s complaint letter comparing Stanford’s operations to the [redacted] fraud; (5) in 2003, participating in a decision not to investigate Stanford after receiving the complaint letter from an anonymous insider alleging that Stanford was engaged in a “massive Ponzi scheme;” and (6) in 2005, informing senior Examination staff after a presentation was made on Stanford at a quarterly summit meeting that Stanford was not a matter they planned to investigate.

     Yet, in June 2005, a mere two months after leaving the SEC, this former head of the Enforcement in Fort Worth e-mailed the SEC Ethics Office that he had been “approached about representing [Stanford] . . . in connection with (what appears to be) a preliminary inquiry by the Fort Worth office.” He further stated, “I am not aware of any conflicts and I do not remember any matters pending on Stanford while I was at the commission.”

      After the SEC Ethics Office denied his request in June 2005, in September 2006, Stanford retained this former head of Enforcement in Fort Worth to assist with inquiries Stanford was receiving from regulatory authorities, including the SEC. He met with Stanford Financial Group’s General Counsel in Stanford’s Miami office and billed Stanford for his time. Following the meeting, he billed 6.5 hours to Stanford on October 4, 2006, for, inter alia, “review[ing] documentation received from company about SEC and NASD inquiries.” On October 12, 2006, he billed Stanford 0.7 hours for a “[t]elephone conference with [Stanford Financial Group’s General Counsel] regarding status of SEC and NASD matters.” In late November 2006, he called his former subordinate, the Assistant Director who was working on the Stanford matter in Fort Worth, who asked him during the conversation, “[C]an you work on this?” and who in fact told him, “I’m not sure you’re able to work on this.” Near the time of this call, he belatedly sought permission from the SEC’s Ethics Office to represent Stanford. The SEC Ethics office replied that he could not represent Stanford for the same reasons given a year earlier and he discontinued his representation.

     In February 2009, immediately after the SEC sued Stanford, this same former head of Enforcement in Fort Worth contacted the SEC Ethics Office a third time about representing Stanford in connection with the SEC matter – this time to defend Stanford against the lawsuit filed by the SEC. An SEC Ethics official testified that he could not recall another occasion in which a former SEC employee contacted his office on three separate occasions trying to represent a client in the same matter. After the SEC Ethics Office informed him for a third time that he could not represent Stanford, the former head of Enforcement in Fort Worth became upset with the decision, arguing that the matter pending in 2009 “was new and was different and unrelated to the matter that had occurred before he left.” When asked why he was so insistent on representing Stanford, he replied, “Every lawyer in Texas and beyond is going to get rich over this case. Okay? And I hated being on the sidelines.”

     The OIG investigation found that the former head of Enforcement in Fort Worth’s representation of Stanford appeared to violate state bar rules that prohibit a former government employee from working on matters in which that individual participated as a government employee. Accordingly, we are referring this Report of Investigation to the Commission’s Ethics Counsel for referral to the Office of Bar Counsel for the District of Columbia and the Chief Disciplinary Counsel for the State Bar of Texas, the states in which he is admitted to practice law.

Cynical observers have noted that the SEC’s complaint against Goldman Sachs gives President Obama a powerful weapon in his upcoming legislative battle against Wall Street over financial industry reform regulation. They aren’t cynical enough. The civil charges against Goldman Sachs came out on the same day that the SEC OIG released its Report of Investigation: SEC’s Response to Concerns Regarding Robert Allen Stanford’s Alleged Ponzi Scheme. Goldman Sachs coverage almost drowned out news of the IG’s Report. It is also extremely difficult to locate the Report on the SEC’s website.

There were two brief but good stories on the Report, however, by Zachary Goldfarb of the Washington Post and Michael R. Crittenden and Kara Scannell of the Wall Street Journal. Here is Goldfarb’s piece and here is Crittenden-Scannell’s.

I haven’t read the Report, but according to the stories, on-the-ground SEC examiners in the Fort Worth District Office’s Examination Branch found evidence of a Ponzi scheme as early as 1997, and concluded on four separate occasions that Stanford’s businesses were fraudulent. They were essentially ignored by the Fort Worth District Office’s Enforcement Branch. One such Enforcment Supervisor, Attorney Spencer Barasch, repeatedly quashed probes into Stanford, but later attempted to represent him in front of the SEC. According to the Journal, the IG has referred Mr. Barasch for possible bar disciplinary action.

Here is Zachary Goldfarb’s Washington Post story detailing the SEC complaint, Goldman Sachs’ reaction, Paulson & Co. Inc.’s statement, and SEC Enforcement Chief Robert Khuzami’s remarks. Here is Paulson & Co. Inc.’s complete statement via PRNewswire.com. According to Paulson & Co.: 

“As the SEC said at its press conference, Paulson is not the subject of this complaint, made no misrepresentations and is not the subject of any charges.”

“While Paulson purchased credit protection from Goldman Sachs on securities issued under the ABACUS ABS CDO program, we were not involved in the marketing of any ABACUS products to any third parties.”

Jolly good, old chap! But didn’t Paulson know the securities were going to be marketed to investors? Wasn’t that the whole point of asking Goldman Sachs to created a CDO in the first place? And did Paulson really think that Goldman Sachs would reveal Paulson’s role in selecting the 123 mortgage-backed securities that went into the Abacus 2007-ACI CDO to potential investors? Anybody ever hear of willful blindness?

The Paulson statement continues:

“ACA as collateral manager had sole authority over the selection of all collateral in the CDO, securities of which were subsequently rated AAA by both S&P and Moody’s.”

But, according to the WSJ and the Washington Post, Paulson & Co. had a major hand in selecting the risk, and ACA was not told that Paulson would be betting against it. Also, investors were not informed of Paulson’s role in selecting the risk. This question of who had a role and who had ”sole authority” over selecting the risk is likely to be at the heart of Goldman Sachs’ defense.

Reading between the lines of the various stories, it would appear that Paulson & Co. Inc. cooperated with the SEC probe and that the SEC needed that cooperation in order to fill in various conversational blanks. You can’t make an entire case from a paper trail alone, although sometimes you can come pretty close.

According to Khuzami: “The product was new and complex, but the deception and conflicts are old and simple.”

Here is the SEC press release. Also charged is Goldman Sachs VP Fabrice Tourre. Here is the SEC complaint.

Peter Lattman reports here in today’s Wall Street Journal on the mounting troubles of Steven Rattner, former Obama Administration Car Czar and Quadrangle Group LLC Coordinating Managing Member. Rattner is under investigation by the SEC and the New York Attorney General’s Office as part of the New York State Common Retirement Fund “pay to play” scandal, in which certain money-management firms allegedly paid kickbacks to middlemen in order to gain Retirement Fund business. Quandrangle, an investment management firm specializing in private equity funds, settled with the SEC and New York AG yesterday and, according to Lattman, blasted Rattner for unethical conduct “as part of [the] settlement”–whatever that means . Here is the SEC complaint against Quadrangle. Quadrangle’s press release regarding the settlement does not contain such an attack.

Quadrangle is clearly settling based on alleged acts undertaken by Rattner, who is only identified as the ”Quadrangle Executive” in the SEC’s complaint. The SEC’s press release distills the alleged wrongdoing to its essence:

“The SEC alleges that Quadrangle Group LLC and Quadrangle GP Investors II, L.P. secured a $100 million investment from the New York State Common Retirement Fund. The investment came only after a then-executive at Quadrangle arranged for an affiliate to distribute the DVD of a low-budget film that former New York State Deputy Comptroller David Loglisci and his brothers had produced.

The SEC further alleges that the Quadrangle executive also agreed to pay more than $1 million in purported “finder” fees to Henry Morris, the top political advisor and chief fundraiser for former New York State Comptroller Alan Hevesi. The SEC previously charged Morris and Loglisci for orchestrating the fraudulent scheme that extracted kickbacks from investment management firms seeking to manage the assets of the Retirement Fund.”

As is customary in these matters, Quadrangle did not admit or deny wrongdoing. The SEC complaint alleges a violation of 15 U.S.C. Section 77(q)(a)(2), which prohibits a person or entity, in the “offer or sale” of securities by the use of any means of “communication in interstate commerce,” from obtaining “money or property by means of any untrue statement of a material fact or any omission to state a material fact necessary in order to make the statements made, in the light of the circumstances in which they were made, not misleading.” This section of the Securities Act of 1933 can also serve as the underlying basis of criminal securities fraud prosecutions.

According to the SEC complaint, neither Quadrangle nor the Quandrangle Executive disclosed the finder’s fee and film distribution deal to the Retirement Fund, the Retirement Fund’s Investment Advisory Committee, or to anyone in the Comptroller’s Office other than David Loglisci, who was in on the deal.

Rattner, through his attoney, emphatically denied any wrongdoing. The article says that he is in settlement discussions with the SEC and New York AG.

The official in question is Thomas A. Drake. The information, concerning internal NSA problems and policies, was allegedly leaked to a reporter in 2006 and 2007. The Washington Post has the story here. The reporter in question, Siobhan Gorman, is not charged or mentioned by name in the indictment. At the time of the alleged events, she worked for the Baltimore Sun. Gorman now works for the WSJ. The case is being prosecuted out of Maryland.

Matthew Goldstein of Reuters reports here that SEC Inspector General David Kotz is about to release a report blasting the SEC for its failure to discern, stop, and alert the public about Allen Stanford’s alleged Ponzi Scheme. Kotz’s 2009 report on the SEC’s abysmal failure to discover Bernard Madoff’s Ponzi Scheme, arguably the greatest failure in the history of the SEC, is already a classic.

Here is a fascinating special report from Lisa Jucca of Reuters detailing Swiss banking giant UBS’s facilitation of tax evasion by certain U.S. citizens, as well as the Department of Justice Tax Division’s successful efforts to pry loose the names of suspected tax evaders from the bank.

Lisa Brennan of MainJustice has this outstanding piece on Frederic Bourke Jr.’s appeal of his conviction for conspiracy to violate the Foreign Corrupt Practices Act (”FCPA”). Bourke was also found guilty of making false statements to FBI Special Agents, pursuant to 18 U.S.C. Section 1001. Bourke’s brief was filed at the Second Circuit on April 1, 2010.

According to Brennan, the brief focuses heavily on the trial court’s jury instructions, particularly the intent-related instructions that were part of the conspiracy elements. Bourke complains that the court failed to require proof of the same level of intent (willfully and corruptly) necessary to prove a violation of the underlying FCPA statute. One irony in all of this is that the court’s definition of willfully and corruptly with respect to the substantive FCPA statute, whose elements were set out, is quite good from a criminal defense perspective. The problem is that the court also charged the jury as follows: 

“You should note that the Government need not prove each of the following [seven] elements in order to prove that the defendant engaged in a conspiracy to violate the FCPA. I am instructing you on the elements only because they will aid you in your determination as to whether the Government has sustained its proof with respect to this Count.”

The third element, “Corruptly and Willfully” was then set out and defined. The court rejected a proposed defense instruction which would have required the government to prove that Bourke acted willfully and corruptly, as defined in the instructions, with respect to the charged conspiracy.

Bourke argues that the court’s instruction ran afoul of the well-known criminal law principle that, in order to establish a conspiracy, the government must prove the same level of intent that is required to violate the underlying statute which serves as the object of the conspiracy.

The Second Circuit takes jury instructions in white collar cases, particularly criminal securities fraud cases, very seriously. Stay tuned.

 

The Government admits that the Brady materials should have been turned over. The AUSAs in the second trial assumed that the original prosecutors had fulfilled the Government’s Brady obligations. Judge Gleeson (EDNY), although mystified by the Government’s failure to turn over the information in question, seems skeptical that Brady’s materiality standard, which requires a new trial, has been met. He has the matter under advisement. The WSJ story by Amir Efrati is here. Main Justice’s take by Andrew Ramonas is here.

I’m not making this up. It happened in Miami at a federal sentencing hearing. Every defense lawyer’s dream. The criminal defense attorney cross-examining was Jeffrey Weiner. The DEA Agent is okay. Melissa Holsman of the Miami Herald has the story here.

This is a white collar blog, but America is our beat.

Every so often you see a story that makes you ashamed of the legal profession. Lisa Holewa of AOLNews reports here about Juneau County District Attorney Scott Southworth, who sent a letter threatening prosecution of sex ed teachers in his county if they comply with a new Wisconsin sex education law. 

According to Holewa’s story, “In his letter, Southworth told school district leaders the new law promotes sexual assault of children, and warns that teachers who follow the law could be charged with misdemeanor or felony delinquency of a minor, with maximum punishments ranging from nine months in jail to six years in prison.”

Here is a copy of Southworth’s letter. Incredibly, the University of Wisconsin Law School gave this man a diploma. They must not have been screening for fanatics that year. 

Southworth does not agree with the new law, the Healthy Youth Act, and is apparently proceeding under his own version of the nullification doctrine. Under the Southworth world view, if the district attorney in a county disagrees with a new state law, he can threaten criminal prosecution of anyone who obeys it.

Holewa reports that the Healthy Youth Act “requires schools with sex-education courses to teach students medically accurate, age-appropriate information, including how to use birth control and prevent sexually transmitted diseases.” Southworth maintains that a teacher who instructs a student 16 years of age or younger on how to use birth control devices under the Act could be guilty of contributing to the delinquency of a minor if the teacher knows that the student is already regularly engaging in intercourse or if the “natural and probable consequences” of the teacher’s instruction causes the student to so engage.

The idea that a teacher could be guilty of violating a Wisconsin criminal statute, for engaging in conduct mandated by a Wisconsin civil statute is absurd. This is one of the most sickening examples of politicizing the criminal justice process that I have ever seen.

Southworth is a disgrace to the legal profession.

The criminal defendant formerly known as Sir Allen got yet another set of lawyers from U.S. District Judge David Hittner yesterday. Mike Essmyer and Robert S. Bennett are the latest additions. Mary Flood of the Houston Chronicle has an excellent story here detailing recent events. How happy is Kent Schaffer to be out of the case? “I feel great, just like I did after my first divorce.” By most published accounts, Stanford appears to be the Platonic Form of high maintenance.

Ken Silverstein of Harper’s wrote yesterday on a highly unusual meeting between federal prosecutors and Democratic and Republican legislative leaders in Alabama, in which the federal prosecutors allegedly informed the legislative leaders of a public corruption probe linked to pending legislation passed by the Alabama House and awaiting Senate action. Alabama Democrats are crying foul and have complained in a letter to Assistant A.G. Lanny Breuer and Fraud Chief Denis McInerney. The letter incorrectly lists McInerney as being with the Public Integrity Section.

Then, late yesterday, Main Justice’s Joe Palazollo reported that one of the DOJ attorneys who summoned the lawmakers to the unorthodox meeting was Public Integrity’s Brenda Morris, currently under invesitgation in connection with the Ted Stevens prosecution.  Ms. Morris, who left Washington and her Principal Deputy Chief slot last September but continues to work for Public Integrity, has a habit of showing up in troubling and troubled cases. The meeting was also attended by Assistant United States Attorneys from the Middle District of Alabama.

Republican holdover U.S. Attorney, Leura Canary, has already taken much criticism for her office’s handling of public corruption cases against Alabama Democrats, particularly given her husband’s close ties to Republican Governor Bob Riley.

Maybe the meeting is all a big misunderstanding. Nevertheless, how weird. And weirder still that Morris is part of it.

That is what Joe Palazollo says here at Main Justice. Court-appointed special prosecutor Hank Schuelke has apparently completed interviewing all relevant players. According to Palazollo, Schuelke has been sharing information with DOJ’s OPR, which is conducting its own separate investigation into the allegations of prosecutorial misconduct. There is no question that serious Brady violations occurred. The issue for the investigators is whether it was intentional or inadvertent.

I complained here the other day that not one of the press accounts of the Lehman Repo 105 transactions has discussed the willingness of Lehman’s former executives to blab away to bankruptcy examiner Anton Valukas. Peter J. Henning of White Collar Watch, in the NYTimes’ Deal Book, now tackles the issue here in a thoughtful analysis.

Henning asks and answers as follows:

“So why did the executives speak with Mr. Valukas? One possible explanation is that they could be compelled to appear at a hearing under Federal Rule of Bankruptcy 2004, which allows the bankruptcy court to require an officer for a company to testify about its financial condition and transactions. If subpoenaed for testimony, they would have to assert the Fifth Amendment privilege against self-incrimination to resist responding to questions. Doing that might have jeopardized any payments they may be receiving under Lehman’s directors and officers insurance policy for attorney’s fees, assuming that is still available to them.”

I have yet to come across a D&O Policy that denies coverage when a policyholder invokes the Fifth Amendment. Maybe such policies exist, but I doubt they are the norm. What would be the point of purchasing such a policy?

Henning further notes that:

“An assertion of the Fifth Amendment during the investigation was likely to result in prosecutors giving greater scrutiny to the witness’s role in Lehman’s demise, on the theory that where there’s smoke there’s fire. Lawyers for the executives certainly were aware of the potential downside to refusing to speak to Mr. Valukas, so they decided to take a calculated risk by having their clients speak in the hope that there would not be any criminal prosecution.”

The greater scrutiny theory may be true for a mid-level employee in a run-of-the-mill fraud case, but nobody has to worry about prosecutors giving detailed scrutiny to the Lehman debacle and all of its players. Such scrutiny is happening now or will happen soon, irrespective of who invokes the Fifth Amendment Privilege Against Self-Incrimination.

The main reason that civil defendants avoid taking five is the adverse inference that can be drawn from such an invocation in civil cases. But that risk pales in comparison to the criminal exposure facing the typical target in a criminal securities fraud case.

I still prefer the unmitigated arrogance theory as the best explanation for why former corporate execs with criminal exposure continue to talk to bankruptcy examiners and SEC attorneys.

The criminal defendant formerly known as Sir Allen is currently seeking his fourth set of attorneys. This is usually a bad sign. Securities Docket has the story here. There is apparently a difference of opinion as to trial strategy. Current lead attorney Kent Schaffer is a highly regarded criminal defense lawyer, known for his strategic and tactical sophistication. So, if Stanford is unhappy with somebody as good as Schaffer, something must be terribly amiss.

Earlier this week the SEC sent letters to more than 20 financial firms inquiring whether they use or used accounting methods similar to Lehman’s now notorious Repo 105, in order to book transactions as sales. Marie Leone of CFO.com has the story here. Marian Wang, at ProPublica.org, has a good piece on this as well. Meanwhile Floyd Norris at the New York Times attempts here to demystify the alleged “Lehman Shell Game.” To this reader, he merely succeeds in showing that FASB considers it a “gray area” when companies characterize as a “sale” a ”loan” secured by assets worth 105% percent of the loan amount. Memo to prosecutors: this regulatory ambiguity will make your criminal case more difficult. On the other hand, published reports that several U.S. law firms refused to bless the Repo 105 transactions should, if true, be troubling to any potential defendants who were contemporaneously aware of these refusals.  The Wall Street Journal had an excellent story several days  back, by Mike Spector and Michael Corkery, about “What Lehman’s Central Players Knew.” 

Most of this recent journalistic and regulatory activity has been occasioned by bankruptcy examiner, and former U.S. Attorney, Anton Valukas’ massive report on the Lehman collapse. The press reporting has generally been outstanding. But there is one aspect of the matter that I have not seen covered. Why were so many former Lehman execs even talking to Valukas? Don’t they understand that many of their number are potential criminal defendants? Haven’t they heard of the Fifth Amendment? Haven’t their attorneys explained that alleged cover-ups and alleged Section 1001 false statements are almost always easier to prove than alleged underlying crimes? Are they really that astoundingly arrogant? Valukas’ report details significant differences in recollection among the major players regarding who knew what and when. All of this will be eagerly poured over by federal prosecutors and agents. You can bank on it.

Zachary Goldfarb reports here in today’s Washington Post that SEC enforcement chief Robert Khuzami is considering requiring more detailed factual statements in SEC settlements. In other words, SEC defendants who settle, pay up, and do not “admit or deny” the SEC’s allegations, will see the allegations spelled out with greater specificity in publicly available court documents. The article speculates that such a change may benefit class action plaintiffs who file piggy-back lawsuits, while decreasing the number of settlements between civil defendants and the SEC. Maybe so. But, assuming that the change in practice occurs, the wiser course for criminal targets facing a simultaneous SEC fraud suit will still be to settle up quickly with the SEC and concentrate their minds on the criminal case.