DOJ Issues

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On January 4, 2010, the U.S. Department of Justice (“DOJ”), through outgoing Deputy Attorney General David Ogden, issued a Guidance for Prosecutors Regarding Criminal Discovery (“Guidance”) and announced related organizational and training measures. These steps were widely seen as a response to several recent embarrassing episodes in which DOJ prosecutors failed to disclose exculpatory evidence to white collar criminal defendants in high profile cases.

The Guidance is codified at Section 165 of the DOJ’s Criminal Resource Manual. The Criminal Resource Manual is part of the U.S. Attorney’s Manual. Although provisions in the U.S. Attorney’s Manual do not have the force of law and do not create rights, they must be followed by federal prosecutors, and failure to do so may result in disciplinary proceedings. Moreover, many of the policies in the new Guidance relate to constitutional and statutory mandates that clearly do have the force of law.

Failure of federal prosecutors to turn over exculpatory and impeaching information to defendants is a growing crisis in the criminal justice system. The Guidance and related organizational and training measures should help to stem that crisis, but do not go far enough.

According to the DOJ, “the guidance is intended to establish a methodical approach to consideration of discovery obligations that prosecutors should follow in every case to avoid lapses that can result in consequences adverse to the Department’s pursuit of Justice.” By explicitly ordering federal prosecutors to consult the Guidance “in every case,” the DOJ is forcing even the most obtuse Assistant U.S. Attorneys to carefully and routinely consider their discovery obligations. In the future, a rogue prosecutor who suppresses clearly exculpatory information will have to explain why he or she ignored both the substance of the law and the DOJ procedures established to insure compliance.

In addition, since prosecutors now know that a very detailed review and disclosure of potentially exculpatory information is the established DOJ norm, they will arguably be less likely to rush to indict high-profile white collar cases, before carefully considering the pros and cons of such action.

The DOJ has also directed each U.S. Attorney’s Office (and each DOJ litigating component handling criminal matters) to develop and implement, by Mach 31, 2010, a Discovery Policy “with which prosecutors in that office must comply.” The Discovery Policy should be consistent with the Guidance, but must take into account “controlling precedent, existing local practices, and judicial expectations.” The individual office Discovery Policy is intended to recognize local variations in discovery practices while eliminating “inconsistent discovery practices among prosecutors within the same office.” Each office’s Discovery Policy “must set forth procedures prosecutors are required to follow to obtain supervisory approval to depart from the [office’s] uniform practices in an appropriate case.”

Each U.S. Attorney’s Office (and each DOJ litigating component handling criminal matters) must also name a Discovery Coordinator. These Discovery Coordinators have already been named and trained and must, in turn, train “their respective offices no less than annually” and must “serve as on-location advisors with respect to discovery obligations.”

The detailed steps laid out in the Guidance for gathering, reviewing, and disclosing discoverable information put much-needed meat on DOJ’s pre-existing discovery guidelines.

The Guidance contains several welcome improvements that will clearly be pertinent to white collar investigations: (1) in cases involving parallel proceedings with regulatory agencies, the prosecutor must consider whether the agency in question is part of the “prosecution team” and therefore subject to having its files reviewed for exculpatory information; (2) the prosecutor must be granted access to and review all of a law enforcement investigatory agency’s files, including the entire confidential informant file; (3) “generally speaking, witness interviews should be memorialized by the agent” and “material variances” in a witness’s statements must be disclosed, even if the variances occur within the same interview session or in a pre-trial prep session; (4) all substantive case-related internal communications, including emails, must be preserved and reviewed; and (5) if exculpatory information is discovered, the information itself must be produced, regardless of the format in which it was maintained.

The Guidance also continues certain troubling DOJ policies. Prosecutors are still charged with determining whether exculpatory and impeaching information is material in nature and therefore subject to production. Such self-certifying procedures are inherently inappropriate, because the prosecutor becomes judge and jury of what will be provided to the defense. All potentially exculpatory and impeaching information (including variances in witness statements) should be provided to the defense as a matter of course irrespective of materiality.

The Guidance also declares that case agent notes, which are not typically part of the official file, should only be reviewed “if there is a reason to believe that the notes are materially different from the memorandum, if a written memorandum was not prepared, if the precise words used by the witness are significant, or if the witness disputes the agent’s account of the interview.” In truth, case agent notes are virtually always Jencks Act material if the agent testifies at trial, and should be provided in such situations whether or not a memorandum has been prepared. More importantly, it is the rare official memorandum of interview that is fully consistent with the case agent’s interview notes. Since such inconsistencies are the norm, prosecutorial review is in order.

In summary, the new DOJ Guidance and related measures establish important substantive and procedural mechanisms that should reduce prosecutorial suppression of favorable evidence in white collar cases. But much remains to be done. Efforts are currently underway within the Judicial Conference of the United States to amend the Federal Rules of Criminal Procedure to insure that prosecutors turn over all exculpatory and impeaching information to the defense, regardless of materiality. Such efforts should continue unabated until binding reform is achieved.

The DOJ yesterday issued, through outgoing Deputy Attorney General David Ogden, a Guidance for Prosecutors Regarding Criminal Discovery. Here is a copy of the memo from DOJ’s website. The Guidance primarily relates to Brady-Giglio issues. I will provide some analysis in a later post.

Judge Cormac Carney has just dismissed the criminal stock option backdating cases, against former Broadcom CFO William Ruehle and former CEO Henry T. Nicholas III, based on government misconduct. The Orange County Register story is here. Nicholas had not yet gone to trial. In Ruehle’s case, the prosecution and defense had closed, and jury arguments were set for Thursday. Needless to say, dismissals based on prosecutorial misconduct are exceedingly rare. AUSA Andrew Stolper was at the center of the misconduct allegations and findings.

Here is more legal analysis on Judge Cormac Carney’s stunning and unprecedented dismissal of the felony charge against Broadcom co-founder Henry Samueli in the middle of William Ruehle’s trial. The Orange County Register story is by Andrew Galvin and Rachanee Srisavasdi.

So far, all of the articles I have seen on Judge Carney’s dismissal order fail to discuss whether it can be appealed. It can. It is one thing to throw out a guilty plea for an insufficient factual basis. It is quite another to throw out a felony charge brought by the government, particularly when the order of dismissal is based on evidence developed in a separate trial. On the other hand, the felony charge here was contained in a felony information. Felony informations are only valid when the defendant waives indictment. Defendants typically waive indictment when they enter a guilty plea, and that is what Samueli did when he originally entered his guilty plea. If the factual basis for the plea is insufficient, the felony information would have to be dismissed, absent a new waiver by Samueli. But Samueli no longer has any motivation to waive the information. 

It isn’t at all clear to me what the Ninth Circuit will do if the government appeals. Generally, district courts are given broad discretion to decide whether to let defendants withdraw guilty pleas, and that is essentially what happened here.    

Perhaps the more interesting question is what the courts will do if the government now indicts Samueli for lying to the SEC or for engaging in securities fraud.  Before even thinking about the double jeopardy implications of indicting Samueli for lying to the SEC, the government would have  to analyze the likelihood of meeting its Kastigar obligations in the wake of Samueli’s immunized testimony in the Ruehle trial. Not a pretty picture. I’m guessing that the Samueli prosecution is totally over.

Carrie Johnson of the Washington Post reports here that Washington criminal defense attorney Hank Schuelke, hired by U.S. District Judge Emmet Sullivan to investigate possible obstruction of justice by the DOJ in the Ted Stevens case, is set to interview the six DOJ attorneys at the center of the scandal. Schuelke is purportedly near the end of his work and has already sifted through thousands of documents.

I was struck by the last two paragraphs, and particularly the last sentence, of Johnson’s story:

“In naming a special prosecutor, U.S. District Judge Emmet G. Sullivan identified six people to be scrutinized — members of the prosecution team and the chief of the public integrity unit. Other leaders at the department’s criminal division weighed in on the case from time to time, especially after the judge began to complain in the course of last year’s trial about evidentiary problems, according to sources familiar with the investigation.

New officials at the Justice Department this year sifted through files and provided documents and e-mail about the case to Schuelke and the subjects of his investigation. But the criteria they used for sharing electronic messages may not have captured all the communications involving people in the criminal division or other areas of the department’s front office about the Stevens case, the sources said. Officials turned over only e-mail in which at least two of the six Stevens prosecutors were included as addressees, they said.”

Such a limitation on the DOJ’s disclosure of documents to Schuelke is quite remarkable and alarming. If Schuelke knew about it, he certainly should not have put up with it.  The DOJ pledged full co-operation with Judge Sullivan’s probe. If DOJ higher-ups, past or present, had a hand in any of the conduct causing Judge Sullivan to hold the six Stevens-connected prosecutors in contempt, the truth must come out.

 

 

WSJ’s Opinion Journal carries this editorial today on U.S. Representative and Ways and Means Chairman Charlie Rangel’s various ethical shortcomings related to unreported income on House financial disclosure forms and apparent homestead tax exemption shenanigans. The editorial focuses on Rangel’s hypocrisy in wanting to add an income tax surcharge because “it is the moral thing to do.” But it raises a more important question to me. Who is investigating Rangel for federal criminal violations, and, if not, why not? Apparently Rangel neglected to report over $75,000.00 in rental income over a multi-year period on his House financial disclosure forms. The income is from a Dominican Republic yacht club villa that Rangel owns. The motive may have been Rangel’s need to keep his annual reported income under $175,00.00 to avoid losing his eligibility for his rent-controlled residence in Harlem.

Maybe it it was all a mistake. I really don’t wish a white collar criminal investigation on anyone, but what makes Charlie so special? DOJ has not hesitated to prosecute Congressional staffers and mid-level federal officials for relatively picayune failures to disclose income on their financial disclosure forms. And Rangel’s disclosure problems are not an isolated event. The developer of the yacht club also converted Rangel’s mortgage to an interest free loan. WSJ says that this appears to be a violation of the House ban on gifts. And Rangel apparently listed both DC and Harlem residences as homesteads in order to save on taxes.

Here is a situation where the U.S. Attorney’s Office for the District of Columbia or DOJ’s Public Integrity Unit should already be investigating. Here is a situation where the failure to initiate an investigation is most certainly a political act.

Full disclosure: I represent and have represented witnesses, subjects, and targets in investigations carried out by the Public Integrity Unit. This is not about the line attorneys in that unit. It is about how political the new Administration is going to be in the way that it investigates and does not investigate public corruption in Washington and around the nation. An omission, as well as an indictment, can be a political act.

Carrie Johnson of the Washington Post has written another remarkable piece on the current travails of DOJ’s Public Integrity Unit in the wake of the Ted Stevens debacle. Her article details personnel shifts, the current roles of Chief William Welch and Deputy Chief Brenda Morris, continuing discovery drops and re-examined verdicts in the Alaskan corruption probe, and understandable morale problems. Apparently, the newly produced documents in two of the Alaskan cases are extensive in nature. Most intriguing, however, is this item from Johnson’s story:

“Sources said that among the questions investigators are pursuing is how closely the work of the Stevens trial team was supervised by officials in the Criminal Division. Senior political and career lawyers there may have offered input and monitored decisions about the kinds of material to turn over to Stevens’s defense team at Williams & Connolly, the sources added.”

Senior political and career lawyers in the Criminal Division were monitoring and offering input on the trial team’s discovery obligations? If true, this is extraordinarily unusual, even for a high-profile corruption case, absent a specific complaint or request by the defense team. And if these senior officials really were micro-managing the trial team’s Brady productions, they seem to have screwed up in spectacular fashion.

DOJ has uncovered Brady violations in the cases of two convicted Alaska politicians, Pete Kott and Vic Kohring, whose appeals are pending in the 9th Circuit. Both of these prosecutions were part of DOJ’s longstanding probe of Alaska public corruption, which also included the Ted Stevens case. The charges against Stevens have already been dismissed with prejudice due to Brady violations. In the cases involving Kott and Kohring, DOJ has moved for a remand to the district court so that the trial judge can sort out the Brady issues. In the meantime, DOJ has agreed that Kott and Kohring should be immediately released from prison on their own recognizance.

The Anchorage Daily News story is here. DOJ’s press release announcing the move is here. The Government’s Motion in Kott’s case is here.

Attorney General Eric Holder stated as follows: “After a careful review of these cases, I have determined that it appears that the Department did not provide information that should have been disclosed to the defense….Department of Justice prosecutors work hard every day and perform a great service for the American people. But the Department’s mission is to do justice, not just win cases, and when we make mistakes, it is our duty to admit and correct those mistakes. We are committed to
doing that.”

Assistant AG Lanny Breuer added: “The Criminal Division must ensure that defendants receive all appropriate discovery materials, and today’s action demonstrates that commitment to this responsibility….We will continue regular discovery training for all Criminal Division prosecutors to make certain that they perform their duties in adherence to the highest ethical standards. Every day, hundreds of career prosecutors work to uphold this Division’s proud tradition of being vigilant, ethical and stellar in the
execution of their work.
This action is faithful to that tradition.”

Kudos are in order for Holder and Breuer. Their statements strike just the right balance. The overwhelming majority of DOJ prosecutors perform their work in an entirely ethical manner. The production of exculpatory material to defense counsel remains the chief area in which some fall short of the mark. Of course, the jury is still out on who fell short and why in the Stevens and other Alaska prosecutions.

Kohring is an arch-conservative Republican. According to his attorney, DOJ’s action “is enough to make Vic Kohring become a Democrat.”

Reminds me of the old joke: A conservative is a liberal who got mugged. A liberal is a conservative who got arrested.

Just kidding! The American Constitution Society is officially pleased, here, that Duke Law Professor Christopher Schroeder, co-author of ACS’s Keeping Faith with the Constitution, is President Obama’s choice to lead DOJ’s Office of Legal Policy. OLP usually has a key role within the Executive Branch in choosing judicial nominees for the federal district and circuit courts. 

I take it from ACS’s description of Keeping Faith that the book is an argument against originalism and in favor of something called “constitutional fidelity.” I used to work in OLP, under Attorney General Meese, helping to choose judicial candidates committed to textualism, originalism, interpretivism, and/or Frankfurterism. A similar effort was undertaken in the Bush years, and I’m sure the Democrats try to install “living Constitution” types when they are in power.

What I learned during my time at OLP was that federal district judges are almost invariably chosen by their home state U.S. Senator or Senators, if the Senator or Senators are members of the President’s party. Essentially, it takes a morals charge to keep a Senator’s choice off of the federal district court, and sometimes even that isn’t enough. DOJ has more leeway in filling circuit court vacancies, but even here a powerful Senator (Phil Gramm and Al D’Amato come to mind from the old days) can stand in the way of the President’s choice.

What I also found back then was that most or all district court candidates and many circuit court ones as well, had virtually no background or interest in constitutional law. I recall asking one candidate about his views on the incorporation doctrine (the doctrine that the 14th Amendment incorporates the first eight amendments of the Bill of Rights and applies them against the states). He responded that he knew everything there is to know about incorporating a business.

My colleagues and I were young then, and for the most part contemptuous of mundane things like trial experience, life experience, or common sense in a judicial candidate. Then I became a trial attorney–12 years as a federal prosecutor, followed by 10 and counting on the criminal defense side, all of it in the federal court system.

From the admittedly narrow, trade perspective of a white collar criminal defense attorney I have found that I don’t really care whether a judge is liberal or conservative. What matters is whether he or she is fair, decent, impartial, intelligent, thoughtful and civil.

Will the judge actually listen to my legal arguments and let me put on my case? Is he/she totally result-oriented in favor of the prosecution or truly open-minded and fair to both sides? Will he/she be fair and willing to rule in my client’s favor, if the law and the facts call for it, even when he/she thinks that my client is guilty? Is he/she civil toward the attorneys?  Does he/she encourage the government to fulfill its Brady obligations? Does he/she know government misconduct when he/she sees it, and will he/she crack down on it, even if the offending AUSA or case agent is one who has been practicing in front of him/her for years?

These are the things that interest me. There are many good judges on the federal bench using this test, and many bad ones as well. So have at it, Professor Schroeder. Whether their heroes are Brennan, Black, or Scalia, send us some judges who are decent, intelligent, fair, and who know how to try a case.

Newly elected Senator Kay Hagan of North Carolina has announced that George Holding, the U.S. Attorney for the Eastern District of North Carolina, should stay in office awhile longer, as he is overseeing investigations of two prominent Democrats–Governor Mike Easley and former Senator John Edwards. Hagan had originally announced that she was moving forward quickly to recommend a replacement for Republican appointee Holding, but backed off after coming under instant criticism. The Democrats apparently do not want to be accused of their own political U.S. Attorney firings. No word yet on whether the White House or DOJ told her to back off. Holding is a very fine man and has been an excellent U.S. Attorney. But the idea that it is improper or unseemly to replace one party’s political appointees with another’s after a change in administrations is silly. The Raleigh News & Observer story is here.

In Friday’s New York Times, Charlie Savage here attempts to analyze what went wrong in DOJ’s Public Integrity Unit, whose leadership is now in hot water with Judge Emmet Sullivan for its handling of the Ted Stevens case. Savage’s article seems to posit a former golden age in Public Integrity, when the unit was “elite.” This all began to fade, the story goes, when Michael Chertoff took over as Criminal Division Chief early in the Bush Administration and replaced Public Integrity Chief Lee Radek with “outsiders.” Savage’s piece, although informative, overrates Public Integrity’s glory years and ignores/underrates the long-term, solid work of most of the unit’s line attorneys.

According to this WSJ piece by Evan Perez, DOJ’s Office of Professional Responsibility (”OPR”) is likely to call for state bar sanctions, rather than criminal prosecutions, against John Yoo and Jay Bybee, the former Office of Legal Counsel (”OLC”) attorneys who wrote or signed legal opinions (the so-called “torture memos”) authorizing harsh interrogation techniques against detainees. Amazingly, former OLC Chief Steven Bradbury, who “signed some of the memos,” was “allowed during the final weeks of the Bush administration to comment on drafts of the internal probe’s report in his capacity as a Department of Justice official.” Senators Dick Durbin and Sheldon Whitehouse find this inappropriate since Bradbury was “a target of the probe.” Well, duh! DOJ has responded in a letter to the Senators that Bradbury’s participation, which happened during Marshall Jarrett’s watch as OPR chief, was okay since it “was transparent.” Oh, come on. Am I missing something here? How often does the target of a probe get to comment on drafts of the offense report? How about never! Of course, I’m talking about in the United States, not Russia or Venezuela. Can you imagine Mike Shaheen putting up with this kind of interference when he ran OPR? Note to the Attorney General–OPR needs a little more insulation than this. Will you provide it?

Carrie Johnson of the Washington Post reports here that former Bush White House and Bush DOJ officials have been working behind the scenes to soften the OPR Report. They have apparently argued that even referring Bybee and Yoo to state bars for possible disciplinary action sets a dangerous precedent. To me, the danger of any precedents will be dependent, to a significant extent, upon the report’s factual findings and legal analysis. Let the investigatory process be dispassionate and fair and focus on the possible violation of U.S. criminal law–nothing more, and nothing less. Let the chips fall where they may. Then, assuming probable cause that laws have been broken and a winnable case, let AG Holder and/or President Obama make the prudential decision whether to bring charges. I may not agree with that decision, but it is ultimately the AG’s and the President’s (actively or passively) to make. They call it prosecutorial discretion.

Here is New York Times Columnist Frank Rich’s latest take on the Bush Administration’s authorization of torture or extremely harsh interrogation methods, depending upon your point of view. Rich (echoing Senator Carl Levin) thinks that “it’s time for the Justice Department to enlist a panel of two or three apolitical outsiders, perhaps retired federal judges, ‘to review the mass of material’ we already have.” He wisely eschews the idea of a truth commission: “We don’t need another commission. We don’t need any Capitol Hill witch hunts.” But then Rich goes too far too fast: “What we must have are fair trials that at long last uphold and reclaim our nation’s commitment to the rule of law.”

Aren’t you jumping the gun there a little bit, Frank? Don’t we need to first ascertain whether there was even a crime cognizable under federal law, and, if so, who committed it? And then, don’t the prosecutors need to determine, in their professional judgment, if the case is winnable? And finally, doesn’t Attorney General Holder (or a Special Counsel, if President Obama and AG Holder have deemed that one is appropriate) need to exercise his prosecutorial discretion as to whether prosecution is appropriate under all of the circumstances? That’s the way it is usually done and the way it should be done here. We don’t need no stinking Truth Commissions and we don’t need any left-wing screechers trying to bully DOJ. We have already had too much political pressure on DOJ in recent years.

As for “a panel of two or three apolitical outsiders, perhaps retired federal judges,” I don’t know of many: 1) successful prosecutions run by a panel; 2) apolitical retired federal judges; or, 3) retired judges who are qualified to lead an investigation at the operational level. How about picking a current well-respected career prosecutor? There are plenty of those around.

According to this Karl Vick piece in today’s Washington Post, former DOJ Office of Legal Counsel chief Jay Bybee, now a judge on the Ninth Circuit, regrets his role in signing the infamous “torture memos.” Since he is a sitting judge, Bybee is not commenting directly, but the article could not have been written without input from his friends. Vick’s story is balanced but short on substantive analysis of the memos in question, and notes that Bybee is friendly and admired by ideological friend and foe alike. I can attest to Bybee’s friendliness. We worked together in DOJ’s Office of Legal Policy in the 1980s and he was a consummate professional who did not appear to have a mean bone in his body. Calls for Bybee’s impeachment, based on conduct occurring before he became a judge, appear premature to me.

On the other hand, if DOJ professionals can make a reasoned argument that certain Bush-era legal memos sought merely to cover obviously illegal activities, let the investigations begin. After all, we investigate (and sometimes even prosecute) lawyers for fraudulently legitimizing tax fraud schemes with dubious letters of legal advice. I don’t see why dubious torture memos warrant different treatment. Just keep the politicians away. We don’t need any of Senator Leahy’s Truth Commissions.

We have been away for a few days, and apologize to our millions of readers worldwide who have expressed concern. Okay–so there were only ten of you, and nine of those wanted to sell me something. It is still nice to know that we were missed.

Today’s Washington Post has a piece here by Del Quentin Wilber on Senator Stevens’ rejection of a no-jail plea deal and his strategy of demanding a speedy trial.

Sunday’s Post had this very good story by Carrie Johnson on some of the things that went wrong, including the short time between indictment and trial and the last-minute cobbling together of the final trial team.

Hey, talk to the prosecutors and defense attorneys in the Eastern District of Virginia about going to trial 60 days after indictment. It happens a lot over the river.

And here in the Sunday New York Times, Neil Lewis opines that Ted Stevens is not really innocent, even with Judge Sullivan’s setting aside of the verdict and dismissal of the charges with prejudice, because the trial showed the former Senator to be less than candid about his reporting of gifts. Dana Milbank said something similar last week in this Washington Sketch.

I think these guys miss the point. Plenty of public figures and public servants are exposed all the time as having alleged ethical or moral blind spots. But most of them don’t get indicted and tried in federal court. Indictment for a federal crime is really a defining life event–a whole different ball game. So the trial’s revelation that Stevens is less than perfect is irrelevant to me.

The Washington Post’s Carrie Johnson reports here on the implications of Attorney General Holder’s latest prosecutorial personnel moves. Mary Patrice Brown is only the third person in history to head DOJ’s Office of Professional Responsibility, first established in 1975. The original OPR Chief was the late and legendary Mike Shaheen. How I miss having him around to talk about life in general and all of the issues swirling around the DOJ.

According to the story here by the Washington Post’s Carrie Johnson, current OPR Chief Marshall Jarrett will move over to head the Executive Office of U.S. Attorneys. The new OPR Chief will be Mary Patrice Brown, now Criminal Division Chief in the U.S. Attorney’s Office for the District of Columbia.

So much for my theory that Judge Sullivan might wait to rule on the Motion Of The United States To Set Aside The Verdict And Dismiss The Indictment With Prejudice in order to “better exert the Court’s own disciplinary authority.” What was I thinking? He is a federal judge. He don’t need no stinking pending indictment! He can exert control irrespective of whether the jury verdict stands or an indictment is pending. In fact, he has appointed veteran DC criminal attorney Hank Schuelke to investigate the conduct of six Stevens prosecution team members on behalf of the Court. According to the Washington Post story here Judge Sullivan publicly criticized DOJ’s Office of Professional Responsibility at yesterday’s hearing for its silence to date with respect to its investigation of the Stevens prosecution.

Law.com here carries a Legal Times piece by Mike Scarcella and Joe Palazollo on the series of errors that dogged the Stevens prosecution team. According to the story, Public Integrity’s Deputy Chief Brenda Morris wasn’t assigned to the case until days before the indictment. Though the article fails to mention it, this presumably means that Morris did not participate in the April 15, 2008, interview with Bill Allen and may not have ever known about it.

Most commentators are assuming that Judge Sullivan will quickly grant the Government’s Motion to Set Aside and Dismiss, but Sullivan could wait awhile in order to fully satisfy himself concerning the Government’s conduct in the case and to better exert the Court’s own disciplinary authority. It may be harder for him to do this as a practical matter if he immediately grants the Motion to Set Aside and Dismiss.

Hat Tip to Professor Ellen Podgor, over at White Collar Crime Prof Blog, who reports here that Judge Sullivan issued two new Orders this evening in U.S. v. Theodore F. Stevens.

The first Order states as follows:

“MINUTE ORDER as to THEODORE F. STEVENS. The Court, sua sponte, directs that by no later than 10:00 a.m. on April 6, 2009, the government shall provide to the Court copies of all material gathered post-trial and produced to the defendant. The government shall also provide to the Court all exculpatory evidence, witness interviews, 302s, and affidavits gathered, created and/or reviewed as part of the investigation into the Joy Complaint, and the attorneys notes regarding the April 15, 2008 interview with Bill Allen, whether or not that material has been produced to the defendant. Signed by Judge Emmet G. Sullivan on April 5, 2009.”

The second Order states as follows:

“MINUTE ORDER as to THEODORE F. STEVENS. The Court, sua sponte, ORDERS that the Department of Justice, the Federal Bureau of Investigation, the Internal Revenue Service, and any and all other government agencies involved in the investigation and/or prosecution of Senator Stevens immediately preserve any and all documents related to this matter, including but not limited to emails, notes, memoranda, investigative files, audio recordings, and any and all electronically stored information, until further Order of this Court. Signed by Judge Emmet G. Sullivan on April 5, 2009.”

My guess is that Judge Sullivan wants to keep control of the process and certainly doesn’t want DOJ’s Office of Professional Responsibility (”OPR”) to have sole responsibility for ferreting out any wrongdoing.

Lesson #1: Don’t ever conduct a pre-indictment witness interview that fails to generate a 302 or similar report. In fact, don’t ever conduct a post-indictment witness interview that fails to generate a 302, unless it is a genuine testimony prep session. If exculpatory information is revealed during a testimony prep session, turn it over to the defense.

Lesson #2: Look to the exculpatory information and not the format, if any, in which it is memorialized. If a witness reveals exculpatory information and the only written record of it is contained in privileged attorney notes, you may not have to reveal the notes but you damn well better reveal the exculpatory information. 

Lesson #3: In a white collar case, unless there are issues of witness intimidation, turn over all 302s to the defense before the trial. Yes, I know, most 302s do not constitute Jencks material, unless the agent who prepared them is testifying. But every 302 of a testifying witness contains potential Brady material. Do you really want to be worrying during trial whether a witness’ real time testimony is inconsistent with the information contained in his six previous 302s? Turn the stuff over and concentrate on winning your case. The federal criminal trial system is already heavily weighted in favor of the prosecution. If your case is so weak that you are afraid of turning over the 302s to the defense, maybe it is time to re-think your case.

The most interesting thing to me about the MOTION OF THE UNITED STATES TO SET ASIDE THE VERDICT AND DISMISS THE INDICTMENT WITH PREJUDICE (”Motion to Set Aside”) in U.S. v. Theodore F. Stevens is the revelation that no FBI-302 was ever prepared of star Government witness Bill Allen’s April 15, 2008 interview. This was a pre-indictment interview attended by four Government attorneys and one FBI agent. Not to prepare a 302 “Memorandum of Interview” of this session was a clear departure from standard FBI practice. (Two of the prosecutors took notes, however, which is presumably how the review team learned about the April 15 interview.) In fact, post-indictment interviews of witnesses and potential witnesses should also generate 302s, the only exception being testimony preparation sessions. (But even exculpatory statements made in pre-trial testimony prep sessions must be reported to the defense by the prosecution, whether or not notes of the session are produced.)

It is hard for me to believe than an agent would have taken it on himself or herself not to prepare a 302 of the April 15 interview. The OPR investigation may ultimately provide the answer, but my guess is that the lone agent in attendance was ordered by somebody not to prepare a 302. The Stevens defense team had produced the October 6, 2002 “Torricelli Letter” to the Government in early 2008, prior to the April 15 interview. That letter, in which Senator Stevens specifically asked Allen to bill him for construction work, was obviously a potential problem for the Government. By the time of trial Allen recalled a conversation with Stevens’ friend Bob Persons in which Persons told Allen not to worry about the Torricelli Letter because “Ted is just covering his ass.” But Allen recalled no conversation, with Persons or anyone else, about the letter during the April 15 interview. Allen first told the prosecutors about the “covering his ass” conversation with Persons shortly before trial in a testimony prep session. As soon as they heard the story and anticipated using it at trial, prosecutors were duty bound to reveal the contradictory content of the April 15, 2008 interview to the defense team. But the original prosecution team never revealed the existence of the April 15 interview to the Court or to Stevens’ attorneys.

Did the original prosecutors forget about the April 15 interview during pre-trial, trial, and immediate post-trial? I suppose it is possible. We will await the OPR report to find out. The interview was in April 2008. Stevens was indicted in July 2008 and went to trial in late September 2008. By demanding an immediate trial, which was his right, Stevens forced the Government to get ready for trial in a hurry. Of course, it is easier to forget about an exculpatory interview when no 302 is prepared in the first place.

The prosecution team also prepared the GOVERNMENT’S OPPOSITION TO DEFENDANT’S MOTION FOR NEW TRIAL, filed in January 2009. In that Opposition, in discussing Allen’s testimony about the Torricelli Letter, the Government stated:

“In claiming that Allen’s testimony was false, defendant relies first on the fact that Persons’s comment was not recorded in the government’s memoranda of its interviews with Allen. This fact proves nothing, however, because the government was not even aware of the October 6, 2002 note until defendant produced it in early 2008, long after most of the memoranda were prepared. Moreover, it was not until shortly before trial that the government questioned Allen about defendant’s statement that he had asked Persons to speak to Allen about a bill, and thereby learned about Persons’s remark. Allen’s recollection on this point was not recorded in an FBI 302 because it was disclosed during a trial preparation session.” (Emphasis added).

In its recent Motion to Set Aside, the Government rightfully informed Judge Sullivan that this statement was inaccurate in light of the review team’s recent discovery of the April 15, 2008 interview.

The defense team correctly noted that many judges routinely accept the Government’s boilerplate pronouncement that all Brady material has been provided to the defense. Judge Sullivan, to his credit, did not do so here. The defense also admirably commended the new review team and AG Holder and stressed that some prosecutors who came to the case late may not have known about all of the Brady problems.

We are left for now with the sobering comments of the Stevens’ defense team:

“[I]t is crucial that this matter be fully investigated to determine the complete facts and assess responsibility.”

Here, courtesy of the Washington Post, is the statement issued today by Williams & Connolly’s Brendan V. Sullivan, Jr. and Robert M. Cary, Senator Stevens’ attorneys. The statement excoriates the original prosecution team and praises the new DOJ review team, Judge Sullivan, and AG Holder. Here is the Motion of the United States to Set Aside the Verdict and Dismiss the Indictment With Prejudice.

Taken together these documents reveal that the results of an April 15, 2008 government interview with star witness Bill Allen were improperly withheld from the defense. The Motion states that two prosecutors took notes of the interview. The defense statement reveals that four prosecutors and one agent were present for the interview. The government’s opposition to Stevens’ new trial motion was also inaccurate, according to the government’s Motion to Set Aside.

The Washington Post reports here that Attorney General Eric Holder has filed a motion seeking to dismiss all charges (with prejudice) against former Senator Ted Stevens. This action is being taken after DOJ review of the case by a new set of attorneys not involved in the original prosecution. Holder’s decision was apparently bottomed on the discovery of new Brady violations and “in consideration of the totality of the circumstances of this particular case.” Stevens’ age and electoral defeat undoubtedly played a part. Needless to say, dismissal of charges against a high-profile defendant already found guilty by a jury doesn’t happen every day–or even every decade.

The Dallas Morning News ran this astonishing story on Friday about the continuing role that Texas’ two GOP Senators intend to maintain in the selection of Texas’ U.S. District Judges and U.S. Attorneys. Apparently the Texas Democratic Congressional delegation thought that it would have the only say in making recommendations to the White House and DOJ, but a compromise of some sort has been worked out that appears to leave the Senators and their nominating committees in control. If true, this is quite surprising. The historical practice, when the party in the White House does not have a U.S. Senate seat in a particular state, is for DOJ and/or the White House to make the pick, with varying degrees of advice from state party members in the U.S. House or the Governor’s office. Obviously, the opposition party’s Senators must be consulted and the choice should not be offensive to them, since home state Senators have an effective veto over such picks. But the Senatorial role being envisioned now in Texas seems to be something different in nature.

There is no word yet on how this development will affect the appointment of a new U.S. Attorney in my old stomping grounds, the Western District of Texas (”WDTX”). The WDTX is one of the largest, busiest, and most important U.S. Attorney Offices in the country, encompassing more than 600 miles of border between the U.S. and Mexico and prosecuting a high number of major drug, drug gang, and money-laundering cases.

House Democrats representing Congressional Districts within the WDTX purportedly sent three names to the White House several weeks ago: Michael McCrum, Michael Bernard, and David Escamilla. All are men of integrity. I know and like Mike Bernard and have heard good things about David Escamilla, but in terms of competence and experience for this important position nobody matches Michael McCrum. Nobody. 

In fact, Mike McCrum may be the most qualified U.S. Attorney candidate I have ever seen in any district in the country.

A former Dallas cop and San Antonio civil litigator, McCrum moved over to the U.S. Attorney’s Office in WDTX in the late nineteen eighties. He rose through the ranks, garnering a well-deserved reputation as a highly skilled trial attorney (with a tireless work ethic) in major drug and money laundering cases. McCrum ultimately became Chief of the Drug Unit, and later Chief of the Major Crimes Unit, for several years, exhibiting outstanding administrative talents. As far as I know, neither of the other candidates for the post has any federal experience to speak of.

Since leaving the U.S. Attorney’s Office in 2000 McCrum has handled a mix of criminal and civil work and is generally regarded as one of South Central Texas’ premier white collar defense attorneys, joining the ranks of the legendary Jack Leon and Gerry Goldstein. But even that doesn’t do Mike justice, because his practice (currently at Thompson & Knight) has become national and international in scope.

Finally, Mike is an American success story. A lifelong Democrat, Mike grew up speaking Spanish and English in a lower income neighborhood on San Antonio’s South Side. He is of Mexican heritage on his mother’s and stepdad’s side. Mike graduated highest in his Dallas Police Academy class and with honors from St. Mary’s Law School, where he was Executive Editor of the Law Review. He has been recognized in Best Lawyers In America every year since 2006 in the area of White Collar Criminal Defense and General Criminal Defense and was a Texas Super Lawyer in 2007 and 2008.

The only thing that troubles me is why Mike, or anybody else for that matter, would want the job in the first place. It is a really tough job and thankless in many ways. One thing for sure–McCrum doesn’t need it. He has done very well in private practice. 

Mike is also an excellent motivator and speaker and possesses the kind of interpersonal, people, and diplomatic skills needed in the U.S. Attorney’s post. Perhaps most importantly, Mike is a very decent, serious human being with the all-important judgement, prudence, and gravitas required for the all-powerful U.S. Attorney position.

In short, this one is a no-brainer. Michael McCrum has the goods and he knows the district. It is not every day that a person of McCrum’s caliber puts forth his name for a U.S. Attorney slot. There is quite simply no rational reason for President Obama to choose anybody else.

Judge Emmitt Sullivan has had it again with the DOJ. Here (Pacer subscription required) is his Friday Order to Show Cause issued in Batarfi, et al. v. Bush, et al., the habeas case of a Guantanamo prisoner detained for seven years without any adjudication. The DOJ has until Tuesday to explain why it violated an Order issued several months ago requiring the turning over of Brady (that is, exculpatory) material to the Petitioner. It turns out that an exculpatory document created in March 2002 was belatedly produced by the government in violation of the Court’s earlier Order. The government has failed to offer any explanation or excuse for its late production.

Judge Sullivan appears even angrier at the government’s violation of the Court’s January 16, 2009 Order requiring the DOJ to file a declaration affirming that: Department of Justice attorneys have reviewed Petitioner’s statements for exculpatory evidence and have produced or will produce all statements containing exculpatory evidence to Petitioner’s counsel.” (Emphasis added.) The DOJ declaration instead indicates that the DOJ continues to rely on Department of Defense (DOD) attorneys to conduct an initial review of documents for Brady material. To do otherwise, according to the DOJ declaration, would be “not feasable.”  

You heard me right. DOJ  attorneys were ORDERED to file a declaration affirming that DOJ attorneys had reviewed all of Petitioner’s statements for Brady material. They instead filed a declaration saying in effect: “We didn’t do that, because we didn’t want to. It would be too hard.” 

According to Judge Sullivan: “The government’s argument raises the disturbing implication that the attorneys conducting the review in this and other habeas cases (who presumably are not criminal prosecutors from DOJ) do not have the necessary experience with and knowledge of the government’s Brady obligations.”

The government’s response is due by noon Tuesday.

America is our beat.

BLT reports here that Judge Emmett Sullivan is threatening to hold DOJ lawyers in contempt for failing to produce exculpatory information on Guantanamo detainee Saeed Abdullah Batarfi. Judge Sullivan first ordered the documents produced on January 16. His written order questions whether the DOJ lawyers examining the documents possess the requisite knowledge to make Brady determinations. I don’t have the written order yet because DC Pacer appears to be down.

Former Atlanta AUSA Aaron Danzig is facing a wrongful death lawsuit filed on behalf of Jessica Holda’s three year old daughter. According to the Atlanta Journal Constitution story here by Steve Visser, the lawsuit alleges that Danzig kept Holda “in a state of terror and dread.” Danzig issued a statement denying the allegations in the lawsuit, calling them “false and unfounded.” The lawsuit alleges that Holda committed suicide after Danzig threatend to prosecute her if she refused to assist in a federal criminal investigation of her husband. The article quotes Steve Murrin, Holda’s former attorney, to the effect that Danzig refused Murrin’s request to let Holda self-surrender in the event of an arrest warrant being issued. Holda was apparently terrified of going to jail. U.S. Attorney David Namias issued a statement in support of Danzig.

WSJ’s lead editorial today calls for an internal DOJ probe of alleged prosecutorial misconduct in the Ted Stevens’ case. Find it here.

Politico has the story here.

Judge Emmet Sullivan held federal prosecutors, including the Chief and Deputy Chief of the Public Integrity Unit, in contempt yesterday for their failure to turn over documents to Ted Stevens’ lawyers pursuant to a previous Court order. The Court had ordered DOJ to turn over internal communications related to FBI Special Agent Chad Joy’s whistleblower status by a date certain. According to Ben Conery’s Washington Times piece here, DOJ attorneys acknowledged their failure to produce the documents and had no excuse for this failure. The documents were turned over to the defense after Friday’s hearing. I won’t provide editorial commentary on this story as I have clients with matters pending with the Public Integrity Unit.

Murray Waas reports here in TPMMuckraker that Karl Rove, while still refusing to testify before Congress concerning U.S. Attorney firings, will cooperate with the DOJ criminal probe into the same topic and has cooperated with the internal DOJ probe into the Don Siegelman prosecution.

The BLT reports here that Senator Arlen “Single Bullet” Specter and his Republican colleagues on the Senate Judiciary Committee have obtained an automatic one-week delay on the confirmation vote for Attorney General nominee Eric Holder. They want to ask more questions. Apparently they didn’t hear the part of the Inaugural Address about putting away childish things.