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On January 4, 2010, the U.S. Department of Justice (“DOJ”), through outgoing Deputy Attorney General David Ogden, issued a Guidance for Prosecutors Regarding Criminal Discovery (“Guidance”) and announced related organizational and training measures. These steps were widely seen as a response to several recent embarrassing episodes in which DOJ prosecutors failed to disclose exculpatory evidence to white collar criminal defendants in high profile cases.

The Guidance is codified at Section 165 of the DOJ’s Criminal Resource Manual. The Criminal Resource Manual is part of the U.S. Attorney’s Manual. Although provisions in the U.S. Attorney’s Manual do not have the force of law and do not create rights, they must be followed by federal prosecutors, and failure to do so may result in disciplinary proceedings. Moreover, many of the policies in the new Guidance relate to constitutional and statutory mandates that clearly do have the force of law.

Failure of federal prosecutors to turn over exculpatory and impeaching information to defendants is a growing crisis in the criminal justice system. The Guidance and related organizational and training measures should help to stem that crisis, but do not go far enough.

According to the DOJ, “the guidance is intended to establish a methodical approach to consideration of discovery obligations that prosecutors should follow in every case to avoid lapses that can result in consequences adverse to the Department’s pursuit of Justice.” By explicitly ordering federal prosecutors to consult the Guidance “in every case,” the DOJ is forcing even the most obtuse Assistant U.S. Attorneys to carefully and routinely consider their discovery obligations. In the future, a rogue prosecutor who suppresses clearly exculpatory information will have to explain why he or she ignored both the substance of the law and the DOJ procedures established to insure compliance.

In addition, since prosecutors now know that a very detailed review and disclosure of potentially exculpatory information is the established DOJ norm, they will arguably be less likely to rush to indict high-profile white collar cases, before carefully considering the pros and cons of such action.

The DOJ has also directed each U.S. Attorney’s Office (and each DOJ litigating component handling criminal matters) to develop and implement, by Mach 31, 2010, a Discovery Policy “with which prosecutors in that office must comply.” The Discovery Policy should be consistent with the Guidance, but must take into account “controlling precedent, existing local practices, and judicial expectations.” The individual office Discovery Policy is intended to recognize local variations in discovery practices while eliminating “inconsistent discovery practices among prosecutors within the same office.” Each office’s Discovery Policy “must set forth procedures prosecutors are required to follow to obtain supervisory approval to depart from the [office’s] uniform practices in an appropriate case.”

Each U.S. Attorney’s Office (and each DOJ litigating component handling criminal matters) must also name a Discovery Coordinator. These Discovery Coordinators have already been named and trained and must, in turn, train “their respective offices no less than annually” and must “serve as on-location advisors with respect to discovery obligations.”

The detailed steps laid out in the Guidance for gathering, reviewing, and disclosing discoverable information put much-needed meat on DOJ’s pre-existing discovery guidelines.

The Guidance contains several welcome improvements that will clearly be pertinent to white collar investigations: (1) in cases involving parallel proceedings with regulatory agencies, the prosecutor must consider whether the agency in question is part of the “prosecution team” and therefore subject to having its files reviewed for exculpatory information; (2) the prosecutor must be granted access to and review all of a law enforcement investigatory agency’s files, including the entire confidential informant file; (3) “generally speaking, witness interviews should be memorialized by the agent” and “material variances” in a witness’s statements must be disclosed, even if the variances occur within the same interview session or in a pre-trial prep session; (4) all substantive case-related internal communications, including emails, must be preserved and reviewed; and (5) if exculpatory information is discovered, the information itself must be produced, regardless of the format in which it was maintained.

The Guidance also continues certain troubling DOJ policies. Prosecutors are still charged with determining whether exculpatory and impeaching information is material in nature and therefore subject to production. Such self-certifying procedures are inherently inappropriate, because the prosecutor becomes judge and jury of what will be provided to the defense. All potentially exculpatory and impeaching information (including variances in witness statements) should be provided to the defense as a matter of course irrespective of materiality.

The Guidance also declares that case agent notes, which are not typically part of the official file, should only be reviewed “if there is a reason to believe that the notes are materially different from the memorandum, if a written memorandum was not prepared, if the precise words used by the witness are significant, or if the witness disputes the agent’s account of the interview.” In truth, case agent notes are virtually always Jencks Act material if the agent testifies at trial, and should be provided in such situations whether or not a memorandum has been prepared. More importantly, it is the rare official memorandum of interview that is fully consistent with the case agent’s interview notes. Since such inconsistencies are the norm, prosecutorial review is in order.

In summary, the new DOJ Guidance and related measures establish important substantive and procedural mechanisms that should reduce prosecutorial suppression of favorable evidence in white collar cases. But much remains to be done. Efforts are currently underway within the Judicial Conference of the United States to amend the Federal Rules of Criminal Procedure to insure that prosecutors turn over all exculpatory and impeaching information to the defense, regardless of materiality. Such efforts should continue unabated until binding reform is achieved.

The DOJ yesterday issued, through outgoing Deputy Attorney General David Ogden, a Guidance for Prosecutors Regarding Criminal Discovery. Here is a copy of the memo from DOJ’s website. The Guidance primarily relates to Brady-Giglio issues. I will provide some analysis in a later post.

Here is the transcript of the hearing in which Judge Cormac Carney granted Defendant’s Motion to Dismiss in U.S. v. William Ruehle. Ruehle was Broadcom’s former CFO. The dismissal was based on prosecutorial misconduct (primarily witness intimidation by AUSA Andrew Stolper) and insufficient evidence. Carney also dismissed the Indictment against Broadcom’s co-founder and former CEO Henry Nicholas, who had not yet gone to trial. The Nicholas dismissal was based solely on prosecutorial misconduct involving witness intimidation. Carney had previously thrown out the guilty plea of Broadcom co-founder Henry Samueli and dismissed the felony information to which Samueli pled guilty.

There were stirring and memorable words spoken at the hearing, and the transcript is well worth reading in its entirety. Here is a portion of Judge Carney’s closing remarks:

NOW, I’M SURE THERE ARE GOING TO BE MANY PEOPLE WHO ARE GOING TO BE CRITICAL OF MY DECISION IN THIS CASE AND ARGUE THAT I’M BEING TOO HARD ON THE GOVERNMENT. I STRONGLY DISAGREE. I HAVE A SOLEMN OBLIGATION TO HOLD THE GOVERNMENT TO THE CONSTITUTION. I’M DOING NOTHING MORE AND NOTHING LESS. AND I ASK MY CRITICS TO PUT THEMSELVES IN THE SHOES OF THE ACCUSED.

YOU ARE CHARGED WITH SERIOUS CRIMES AND, IF CONVICTED ON THEM, YOU WILL SPEND THE REST OF YOUR LIFE IN PRISON. YOU ONLY HAVE THREE WITNESSES TO PROVE YOUR INNOCENCE AND GOVERNMENT HAS INTIMIDATED AND IMPROPERLY INFLUENCED EACH ONE OF THEM. IS THAT FAIR? IS THAT JUSTICE? I SAY ABSOLUTELY NOT.

Here is Judge Cormac Carney’s Dismissal Order in U.S. v. William J. Ruehle and U.S. v. Henry T. Nicholas. Most of the newspaper stories on the Broadcom debacle failed to note that Judge Carney dimissed the case against Ruehle for insufficiency of the evidence as well as prosecutorial misconduct. Ruehle’s Rule 29 Motion was granted after jeopardy attached, but before the jury began deliberating. Therefore, the government cannot appeal, and Ruehle cannot be re-tried. With respect to Nicholas, he wasn’t even on trial yet at the time of Carney’s order dismissing the Indictment with prejudice. The government can therefore appeal the dismissal in Nicholas’s case.

Judge Cormac Carney has just dismissed the criminal stock option backdating cases, against former Broadcom CFO William Ruehle and former CEO Henry T. Nicholas III, based on government misconduct. The Orange County Register story is here. Nicholas had not yet gone to trial. In Ruehle’s case, the prosecution and defense had closed, and jury arguments were set for Thursday. Needless to say, dismissals based on prosecutorial misconduct are exceedingly rare. AUSA Andrew Stolper was at the center of the misconduct allegations and findings.

Here is Main Justice’s take on yesterday’s announcement by Deputy Attorney General David Ogden that he is resigning effective February 5.  Apparently Ogden and Attorney General Holder never meshed. The Washington Post separately reported that if a permanent replacement is not found by February, Gary Grindler, a Deputy Assistant AG in the Criminal Divison, will fill the DAG position in an acting capacity. That seems a little weird, since Grindler currently reports to Assistant AG Lanny Breuer, head of the Criminal Division, but would become Breuer’s boss as acting DAG.

Carrie Johnson of the Washington Post reports here that Washington criminal defense attorney Hank Schuelke, hired by U.S. District Judge Emmet Sullivan to investigate possible obstruction of justice by the DOJ in the Ted Stevens case, is set to interview the six DOJ attorneys at the center of the scandal. Schuelke is purportedly near the end of his work and has already sifted through thousands of documents.

I was struck by the last two paragraphs, and particularly the last sentence, of Johnson’s story:

“In naming a special prosecutor, U.S. District Judge Emmet G. Sullivan identified six people to be scrutinized — members of the prosecution team and the chief of the public integrity unit. Other leaders at the department’s criminal division weighed in on the case from time to time, especially after the judge began to complain in the course of last year’s trial about evidentiary problems, according to sources familiar with the investigation.

New officials at the Justice Department this year sifted through files and provided documents and e-mail about the case to Schuelke and the subjects of his investigation. But the criteria they used for sharing electronic messages may not have captured all the communications involving people in the criminal division or other areas of the department’s front office about the Stevens case, the sources said. Officials turned over only e-mail in which at least two of the six Stevens prosecutors were included as addressees, they said.”

Such a limitation on the DOJ’s disclosure of documents to Schuelke is quite remarkable and alarming. If Schuelke knew about it, he certainly should not have put up with it.  The DOJ pledged full co-operation with Judge Sullivan’s probe. If DOJ higher-ups, past or present, had a hand in any of the conduct causing Judge Sullivan to hold the six Stevens-connected prosecutors in contempt, the truth must come out.

 

 

Andrew Ramonas of Main Justice reports here that the DOJ has decided not to withdraw corruption charges against convicted Alaskan lawmakers Pete Kott and Victor Kohring. The two have been free in the wake of DOJ’s discovery that prosecutors failed to disclose exculpatory material before or during trial. The district court will now decide whether there was a Brady violation and, if so, whether a new trial or dismissal is warranted.

Here is the Washington Post story on AG Holder’s decision to launch a preliminary investigation of alleged CIA torture. Career AUSA John Durham of Connecticut, already probing destruction of CIA interrogation tapes, gets the nod for this assignment. The District of Connecticut OUSA is the office of choice for special prosecutors these days.

Carrie Johnson of the Washington Post has written another remarkable piece on the current travails of DOJ’s Public Integrity Unit in the wake of the Ted Stevens debacle. Her article details personnel shifts, the current roles of Chief William Welch and Deputy Chief Brenda Morris, continuing discovery drops and re-examined verdicts in the Alaskan corruption probe, and understandable morale problems. Apparently, the newly produced documents in two of the Alaskan cases are extensive in nature. Most intriguing, however, is this item from Johnson’s story:

“Sources said that among the questions investigators are pursuing is how closely the work of the Stevens trial team was supervised by officials in the Criminal Division. Senior political and career lawyers there may have offered input and monitored decisions about the kinds of material to turn over to Stevens’s defense team at Williams & Connolly, the sources added.”

Senior political and career lawyers in the Criminal Division were monitoring and offering input on the trial team’s discovery obligations? If true, this is extraordinarily unusual, even for a high-profile corruption case, absent a specific complaint or request by the defense team. And if these senior officials really were micro-managing the trial team’s Brady productions, they seem to have screwed up in spectacular fashion.

Carrie Johnson of the Washington Post reports here on Attorney General Eric Holder’s first oversight appearance in front of the Senate Judiciary Committe. Holder said that OPR’s investigatory report on the role of Bush-appointed DOJ attorneys in drafting/approving so-called “torture memos” could be released to the public in a matter of weeks.

DOJ has uncovered Brady violations in the cases of two convicted Alaska politicians, Pete Kott and Vic Kohring, whose appeals are pending in the 9th Circuit. Both of these prosecutions were part of DOJ’s longstanding probe of Alaska public corruption, which also included the Ted Stevens case. The charges against Stevens have already been dismissed with prejudice due to Brady violations. In the cases involving Kott and Kohring, DOJ has moved for a remand to the district court so that the trial judge can sort out the Brady issues. In the meantime, DOJ has agreed that Kott and Kohring should be immediately released from prison on their own recognizance.

The Anchorage Daily News story is here. DOJ’s press release announcing the move is here. The Government’s Motion in Kott’s case is here.

Attorney General Eric Holder stated as follows: “After a careful review of these cases, I have determined that it appears that the Department did not provide information that should have been disclosed to the defense….Department of Justice prosecutors work hard every day and perform a great service for the American people. But the Department’s mission is to do justice, not just win cases, and when we make mistakes, it is our duty to admit and correct those mistakes. We are committed to
doing that.”

Assistant AG Lanny Breuer added: “The Criminal Division must ensure that defendants receive all appropriate discovery materials, and today’s action demonstrates that commitment to this responsibility….We will continue regular discovery training for all Criminal Division prosecutors to make certain that they perform their duties in adherence to the highest ethical standards. Every day, hundreds of career prosecutors work to uphold this Division’s proud tradition of being vigilant, ethical and stellar in the
execution of their work.
This action is faithful to that tradition.”

Kudos are in order for Holder and Breuer. Their statements strike just the right balance. The overwhelming majority of DOJ prosecutors perform their work in an entirely ethical manner. The production of exculpatory material to defense counsel remains the chief area in which some fall short of the mark. Of course, the jury is still out on who fell short and why in the Stevens and other Alaska prosecutions.

Kohring is an arch-conservative Republican. According to his attorney, DOJ’s action “is enough to make Vic Kohring become a Democrat.”

Reminds me of the old joke: A conservative is a liberal who got mugged. A liberal is a conservative who got arrested.

Just kidding! The American Constitution Society is officially pleased, here, that Duke Law Professor Christopher Schroeder, co-author of ACS’s Keeping Faith with the Constitution, is President Obama’s choice to lead DOJ’s Office of Legal Policy. OLP usually has a key role within the Executive Branch in choosing judicial nominees for the federal district and circuit courts. 

I take it from ACS’s description of Keeping Faith that the book is an argument against originalism and in favor of something called “constitutional fidelity.” I used to work in OLP, under Attorney General Meese, helping to choose judicial candidates committed to textualism, originalism, interpretivism, and/or Frankfurterism. A similar effort was undertaken in the Bush years, and I’m sure the Democrats try to install “living Constitution” types when they are in power.

What I learned during my time at OLP was that federal district judges are almost invariably chosen by their home state U.S. Senator or Senators, if the Senator or Senators are members of the President’s party. Essentially, it takes a morals charge to keep a Senator’s choice off of the federal district court, and sometimes even that isn’t enough. DOJ has more leeway in filling circuit court vacancies, but even here a powerful Senator (Phil Gramm and Al D’Amato come to mind from the old days) can stand in the way of the President’s choice.

What I also found back then was that most or all district court candidates and many circuit court ones as well, had virtually no background or interest in constitutional law. I recall asking one candidate about his views on the incorporation doctrine (the doctrine that the 14th Amendment incorporates the first eight amendments of the Bill of Rights and applies them against the states). He responded that he knew everything there is to know about incorporating a business.

My colleagues and I were young then, and for the most part contemptuous of mundane things like trial experience, life experience, or common sense in a judicial candidate. Then I became a trial attorney–12 years as a federal prosecutor, followed by 10 and counting on the criminal defense side, all of it in the federal court system.

From the admittedly narrow, trade perspective of a white collar criminal defense attorney I have found that I don’t really care whether a judge is liberal or conservative. What matters is whether he or she is fair, decent, impartial, intelligent, thoughtful and civil.

Will the judge actually listen to my legal arguments and let me put on my case? Is he/she totally result-oriented in favor of the prosecution or truly open-minded and fair to both sides? Will he/she be fair and willing to rule in my client’s favor, if the law and the facts call for it, even when he/she thinks that my client is guilty? Is he/she civil toward the attorneys?  Does he/she encourage the government to fulfill its Brady obligations? Does he/she know government misconduct when he/she sees it, and will he/she crack down on it, even if the offending AUSA or case agent is one who has been practicing in front of him/her for years?

These are the things that interest me. There are many good judges on the federal bench using this test, and many bad ones as well. So have at it, Professor Schroeder. Whether their heroes are Brennan, Black, or Scalia, send us some judges who are decent, intelligent, fair, and who know how to try a case.

Newly elected Senator Kay Hagan of North Carolina has announced that George Holding, the U.S. Attorney for the Eastern District of North Carolina, should stay in office awhile longer, as he is overseeing investigations of two prominent Democrats–Governor Mike Easley and former Senator John Edwards. Hagan had originally announced that she was moving forward quickly to recommend a replacement for Republican appointee Holding, but backed off after coming under instant criticism. The Democrats apparently do not want to be accused of their own political U.S. Attorney firings. No word yet on whether the White House or DOJ told her to back off. Holding is a very fine man and has been an excellent U.S. Attorney. But the idea that it is improper or unseemly to replace one party’s political appointees with another’s after a change in administrations is silly. The Raleigh News & Observer story is here.

In Friday’s New York Times, Charlie Savage here attempts to analyze what went wrong in DOJ’s Public Integrity Unit, whose leadership is now in hot water with Judge Emmet Sullivan for its handling of the Ted Stevens case. Savage’s article seems to posit a former golden age in Public Integrity, when the unit was “elite.” This all began to fade, the story goes, when Michael Chertoff took over as Criminal Division Chief early in the Bush Administration and replaced Public Integrity Chief Lee Radek with “outsiders.” Savage’s piece, although informative, overrates Public Integrity’s glory years and ignores/underrates the long-term, solid work of most of the unit’s line attorneys.

According to this WSJ piece by Evan Perez, DOJ’s Office of Professional Responsibility (”OPR”) is likely to call for state bar sanctions, rather than criminal prosecutions, against John Yoo and Jay Bybee, the former Office of Legal Counsel (”OLC”) attorneys who wrote or signed legal opinions (the so-called “torture memos”) authorizing harsh interrogation techniques against detainees. Amazingly, former OLC Chief Steven Bradbury, who “signed some of the memos,” was “allowed during the final weeks of the Bush administration to comment on drafts of the internal probe’s report in his capacity as a Department of Justice official.” Senators Dick Durbin and Sheldon Whitehouse find this inappropriate since Bradbury was “a target of the probe.” Well, duh! DOJ has responded in a letter to the Senators that Bradbury’s participation, which happened during Marshall Jarrett’s watch as OPR chief, was okay since it “was transparent.” Oh, come on. Am I missing something here? How often does the target of a probe get to comment on drafts of the offense report? How about never! Of course, I’m talking about in the United States, not Russia or Venezuela. Can you imagine Mike Shaheen putting up with this kind of interference when he ran OPR? Note to the Attorney General–OPR needs a little more insulation than this. Will you provide it?

Carrie Johnson of the Washington Post reports here that former Bush White House and Bush DOJ officials have been working behind the scenes to soften the OPR Report. They have apparently argued that even referring Bybee and Yoo to state bars for possible disciplinary action sets a dangerous precedent. To me, the danger of any precedents will be dependent, to a significant extent, upon the report’s factual findings and legal analysis. Let the investigatory process be dispassionate and fair and focus on the possible violation of U.S. criminal law–nothing more, and nothing less. Let the chips fall where they may. Then, assuming probable cause that laws have been broken and a winnable case, let AG Holder and/or President Obama make the prudential decision whether to bring charges. I may not agree with that decision, but it is ultimately the AG’s and the President’s (actively or passively) to make. They call it prosecutorial discretion.

White collar crime is our focus, but America is our beat. And the politics of prosecution in the Department of Justice is always something that we will examine. Here is today’s Washington Post story on the indictment of five former Blackwater guards unsealed yesterday. The guards were providing security for the State Department on a dangerous convoy in Iraq. There are several troubling things about these charges, which we intend to comment on in coming days: 1) it is unclear whether a federally cognizable crime was committed; 2) jurisdiction is iffy; 3) there are serious evidentiary issues caused by the issuance of Garrity assurances to guards who were interrogated; and 4) dubious inclusion of inappropriate firearms/deadly weapons charges. More to come.

Washington Post columnist Richard Cohen, an old-school liberal, doesn’t think Eric Holder should be Attorney General because of Holder’s acquiescence in then-fugitive financier Marc Rich’s pardon. In today’s column, Cohen makes out the case against Holder about as well as anyone can. Holder, as President Clinton’s Deputy Attorney General, was “neutral, leaning towards favorable” when asked to weigh in on whether Rich should receive a pardon. Holder’s non-opposition gave the Clinton Administration cover for the outrageous pardon of a filthy-rich indictee who had fled the country to avoid prosecution. Holder also neglected to inform the U.S. Attorney’s Office for the Southern District of New York, which originally brought the case against Rich, that a pardon was in the works. That office was rightfully furious when it learned of the done deal.

Okay. It was a big mistake. And some of Holder’s justifications over the years for his non-opposition to the Rich pardon have been absurd. And, yes, I know, we have recently sufferred through an Attorney General who was way too much of a yes man for the White House and who sullied the supposedly glorious reputation of the Department of Justice. But it is the President’s choice, and barring a morals charge or a major felony in the nominee’s background, President Obama should get who he wants at Mother Justice, assuming that the nominee is otherwise qualified. Holder passes this test.